Showing posts with label division. Show all posts
Showing posts with label division. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 12, 2025

WHEN GRANDEUR REPLACES INCLUSION: NATIONALISM AS A SHOWPIECE OF PROJECTED POWER AND PRIDE


Intro: India’s 79th Independence Day and the Politics of Optical National Pride

As India marks its 79th Independence Day, the speeches, parades, and televised images once again swell with the refrain that we are the “world’s greatest, mightiest, and largest democracy.” The present regime repeats this mantra so often it has become a kind of national soundtrack — but like all rehearsed lines, it risks masking more than it reveals. Behind the grandiloquence lies a calculated projection of strength and magnificence, a deliberate crafting of political theatre in which the spectacle of nationalism is prized over the substance of inclusive nationhood.

The Age of Monumental Optics

As the columnist Vasudevan Mukunth notes in The Hindu (12 August 2025) nothing better illustrates this shift than the recent inauguration of the Chenab railway bridge in Jammu and Kashmir — celebrated as the world’s highest rail arch. Its graceful steel curve across the Chenab River is undeniably a marvel of engineering. Yet, the decision to feature it prominently on Independence Day invitation cards reveals the underlying strategy: national pride is now anchored less in social equity or democratic vibrancy, and more in monumental imagery.

Over the past decade, India’s political narrative has been dotted with superlatives — the tallest statue, the longest expressway, the largest stadium. The Statue of Unity looms 182 meters above the Narmada, a colossal tribute to Sardar Patel that also subtly recasts him into a Hindu-first icon, aligning him with the ideological thrust of the current regime, says Vasudevan. Each new infrastructure project is wrapped in a media blitz and infused with nationalist rhetoric, designed to elicit awe rather than invite scrutiny.

The size is the message. These structures are not simply public works; they are symbols — declarations etched in stone, steel, and concrete — meant to impress upon citizens an image of a strong, capable, and resurgent India. But the question lingers: whose aspirations do they fulfill, and whose needs do they overshadow?

Grandeur vs. Grassroots

India’s obsession with gigantism coincides with a selective rewriting of history. Projects like the Kashi Vishwanath Corridor, according the same columnist,  are framed not merely as urban redevelopment but as civilisational reclamation, reclaiming “Hindu heritage” while marginalising other cultural narratives. This is less about serving diverse communities and more about curating a singular cultural identity — one that flattens India’s pluralism into a monolithic vision.

It is not that nation-building has no place for spectacle. The Eiffel Tower, the Hoover Dam, or the Great Wall of China have all functioned as rallying points for civic pride. But in India’s present political climate, spectacle operates with a dual purpose: it signals “progress” while simultaneously asserting dominance. Expressways slice through rural landscapes while adjacent villages still await basic sanitation. Mega-dams displace Adivasi communities, while stadiums are built in cities where slums remain untouched by development.

The physical grandeur becomes a substitute for social justice, replacing the slow, difficult work of inclusion with the faster, flashier work of construction. This is a governance of optics, where engineering feats are brandished as proof of political will, even if the benefits remain unequally distributed.

From Inclusion to Exclusion

The scale and ferocity with which the current regime pursues these projects reveal a deeper pattern: the deliberate anchoring of national belonging in monumental forms that inherently exclude. Public consultations, when they happen, are often perfunctory. Legal and environmental safeguards are waived in the name of urgency. Development becomes something done to communities rather than with them.

The rhetoric surrounding such projects mirrors the language of military triumphs — shrinking distances, fortifying borders, taming nature. The government’s Himalayan tunnel projects are presented as marvels of ingenuity, yet they scar fragile mountain ecosystems and uproot Indigenous populations. The price of speed and spectacle is borne by those least visible in the national imagination.

This exclusionary nationalism is reinforced by the erasure of minority contributions from the nation’s story. The grandeur projects are almost always framed within a selective historical narrative, celebrating certain icons while silencing others. It is a nationalism that prefers a perfect postcard image to the messy, contested realities of democratic life.

Security, Stature, and the Rhetoric of Vigilance

This year’s Independence Day rhetoric is also shaped by a heightened discourse on national security. At the 8th National Security Strategies Conference in July, Union Home Minister Amit Shah warned that India’s “rising stature” would bring greater security challenges in the coming decade. His prescription — tighter coordination between central and state agencies, increased anti-narcotics drives, and the use of indigenous technology for policing — reinforces the government’s narrative that India is under constant external and internal threat.

This security-first framing dovetails neatly with the politics of spectacle. When a nation is constantly reminded of threats, the construction of monumental symbols becomes not just a celebration of pride but also an assertion of power — a visual guarantee of safety and stability. But this visual reassurance often conceals the cracks: unaddressed social inequalities, stifled dissent, and communities left behind in the march toward a “great” India.

The Lost Tradition of People-Centric Engineering

India’s history offers a different blueprint for pride. Ancient stepwells, Mughal gardens, and traditional irrigation systems were engineering marvels too — but they were built to serve communities directly, to provide water, shade, and sustenance. They reflected a vision of nationhood where achievement was measured in lives improved, not just in records broken.

In contrast, the present fixation on record-breaking structures sidelines this heritage of people-oriented development. Nationalism becomes a stage performance where the citizen is an audience member, not a participant. Grandeur becomes the idiom of pride, while inclusion — the true test of democracy — is relegated to the margins.

Independence Day: Between Reality and Projection

The annual Independence Day celebrations are the perfect stage for this politics of projection. The Prime Minister’s address from the Red Fort is less a policy roadmap and more a showcase of India’s “achievements” — bullet trains, digital economies, smart cities — often without acknowledging the gaps between these promises and lived realities.

In a country still grappling with child malnutrition, agrarian distress, and unemployment, the emphasis on “world’s largest” and “world’s tallest” rings hollow. The grandeur may photograph well, but it does little to address the lived experience of millions whose independence remains incomplete.

Rethinking National Pride

True national pride need not be small-minded or anti-modern. India can and should celebrate its achievements in science, technology, and infrastructure. But pride loses its moral weight when it is used to paper over inequalities, to exclude rather than include, or to replace democratic participation with passive admiration.

The challenge before India, as it enters its 80th year of independence, is to reclaim a vision of nationhood where the measure of greatness is not the height of our statues or the span of our bridges, but the breadth of our inclusion — where every citizen can see themselves in the nation’s story, not just as spectators of grandeur but as stakeholders in its promise.

As the fireworks fade and the flags are folded this August 15th, the question lingers: Will we continue to equate patriotism with spectacle, or will we dare to build an India whose grandeur lies in the dignity, security, and participation of all its people?


Friday, October 21, 2022

On earth, God messed it up all !

 Before the Word incarnated, the Creator is present in his creation – the earth and the unfathomed universe that is beyond the human imagination. God is in the world, alive and active, with the Spirit’s Power hovering over and in everything. Integrally, God is with the universe, involved with the world he created. God is in all things “by essence, presence, and power” (Thomas Aquinas). God cares for every bit of his creation – the Panchabhoota – air, water, soil, heat and the ether. We see his active presence in nature, in human history. God is One and All in all. God IS.

We  are meant to “read the signs of the time,” to look at the world with eyes, hear what it  says with ears, taste all that is palatable and that which not to our taste, see what is happening, and unlike physiologist, philosopher and politician, be particularly attentive to the happenings around, - to the things of God.

The Earth and all of creation await being set free from “corruption and share in the glorious freedom of the children of God” (Rom 8: 22). Creation itself witnesses to God. “Even before revealing himself to man in words of truth, God reveals himself to him through the universal language of creation […] the order and harmony of the cosmos” (Wis 13:5). From the naturally organized beauty of created things we perceive the Creator (CCC 2500). We encounter this God within his creation that continually evolves.

About this natural order and of human behaviour, Jesus says, “When you see a cloud rising in the west you say immediately that it is going to rain–and so it does; and when you notice that the wind is blowing from the south you say that it is going to be hot–and so it is. You hypocrites! You know how to interpret the appearance of the earth and the sky; why do you not know how to interpret the present time? Why do you not judge for yourselves what is right?”  And therefore, we have to do the right thing.

Jesus incarnated into this created world,  for thirty years he lived a normal simple life in small family, and was baptized in a marshy muddy Jordan, to be meshed up with the world and its ups and down, with all its imperfection. Living in this imperfect world, Jesus said to his disciples: “I have come to set the earth on fire, and how I wish it were already blazing! […] Do you think that I have come to establish peace on the earth? No, I tell you, but rather division. […] a son against his father, a mother against her daughter and a daughter against her mother, a mother-in-law against her daughter-in-law and a daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law” (Lk 12:49-51). God in Jesus had the desire to spread eternal life filled with kindled love among human beings, in each family. God-Incarnate wants all humanity to be baptized with the Holy Spirit and fire. Jesus came to light the world with divine love in order to experience the inner life of God. All are called to be bearers of the divine life, a spreaders of the fire of truth and love.

Christ, the ‘sign of contradiction’, wants to establish peace in the midst of division, through justice, truth and equality – which only can bring peace. Peace can come only through living in that truth. Relational conflicts and divisions occur when truth is rejected. It is a challenge that God has set before us: to set the world on fire of love. Knowing the signs of time, we continue working for justice that brings peace by applying our judgment to reality, “respecting the transcendent dignity of mankind” (CCC 1929). We are all called to live “according to their nature and their vocation” (CCC 1928), practising Social justice. This same duty is extended to those who think or act differently from us” (CCC 1933).

 

মঞ্চের রাজনীতি, ধর্মীয় মুখোশ, আর খ্র্রীষ্টান নেতৃত্বের নৈতিক সংকট

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